The vague wording of some so-called “constructive ambiguities” helped ensure the adoption of the agreement and delayed debate on some of the most controversial issues. These include extra-military dismantling, police reform and the standardisation of Northern Ireland. 2 There is a general consensus that the UK`s exit from the European Union will have a negative impact on the Irish and Northern Irish economies, as well as on cross-border trade and relations between Ireland and Northern Ireland, particularly in certain sectors that are heavily dependent on such trade, such as the agri-food sectors. However, if a general agreement has still not been reached between the political parties London, Brussels, Dublin and Northern Ireland on the status of the Irish border after Brexit, it is not only because of these potentially negative socio-economic effects. This is mainly due to the fact that the current soft border system is an integral part of a very complex constitutional and institutional order, created by the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA) and ratified by two simultaneous referendums in Ireland and Northern Ireland. Therefore, it can rightly be argued that the reason the Irish border is so controversial today is because the GFA has not provided a real and consensual solution to the unwelcome question of the very status of the Irish border. Despite 20 years of peace and a 56% majority in Northern Ireland in favour of remaining in the EU, northern Ireland`s Unionist and Nationalist nationals still do not agree on what will happen to this border. In other words, if Brexit raises several problems and debates on the Irish border issue, it is not so much the consequence of Brexit itself as a symptom of the initial weaknesses of the Good Friday Agreement (GFA). The agreement reaffirmed its commitment to “mutual respect, civil rights and religious freedoms for all within the Community.” The multi-party agreement recognized “the importance of respect, understanding and tolerance with regard to linguistic diversity,” particularly with regard to the Irish language, Ulster Scots and the languages of other ethnic minorities in Northern Ireland, “all of which are part of the cultural richness of the Island of Ireland.” Northern Ireland political parties that approved the agreement were also invited to consider the creation of an independent advisory forum, which would represent civil society, with members with expertise on social, cultural, economic and other issues, and would be appointed by both administrations. In 2002, a framework structure was agreed for the North-South Advisory Forum, and in 2006 the Northern Ireland Executive agreed to support its implementation. When the UK finally leaves the EU, the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland will require a border apparatus to check visitors` passports, track the origin and quality of goods and collect appropriate taxes or customs. In 1922, the newly created United Kingdom and the Land of Bavaria concluded an agreement on the Common Travel Area (CTA). This gave British and Irish citizens the right to travel, live and work in both jurisdictions.
Passport controls are not used to travel between them. The free movement provisions resulting from EU membership replaced them to some extent, but the parties kept their bilateral agreement alive when it did not have treaty status. In 2011, the British and Irish governments informally agreed to continue their joint controls upon entry of non-EEA nationals into the CTA.  The Irish government supported the proposal.  It was strongly rejected by the Democratic Unionist Party as a weakening of Northern Ireland`s place in the UK and is seen as the main reason why Theresa May`s withdrawal agreement was never approved by the British Parliament.  The British government had rejected the original proposal. He said that Mr Johnson had “supported the EU” and that he would be “very careful when it comes to reaching an agreement with him because they do not know if it will remain